IRAN: Leader of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei eventually put an end to the waves of impeachment motion raised against President Mohammad Khatami's ministers. The point is that Majlis should have shunned such an unfriendly attitude towards the executive branch a long time ago. Moreover, MPs should have tried to interact with Khatami's cabinet instead of creating a tense political atmosphere. It should also be recalled here that the conservative lawmakers, before being elected, had vowed to avoid radical approaches and to collaborate with the executive branch. However, after being elected, the parliamentarians never kept their promises.

MARDOMSALARI: Ninth Presidential Race can serve as a good opportunity for showing people's solidarity in terms of their adherence to the outlines of the constitution. Officials are duty-bound to appeal to the public to show up at the polling stations in large numbers. If the people are convinced that the election will be held in a healthy political atmosphere, they will be urged to vote. Different political factions should not worry about the outcome of this momentous event, because general elections are best venues for assessing the public opinion. The best benchmark for evaluating the efficacy of our political system is the level of voter turnout in the important undertaking. One key consideration amid all of this that can encourage the members of the society to take part in the presidential election is that the Guardians Council implements a fair vetting procedure.

AFARINESH: More than 26 passengers of a bus en route Tehran from Babol were killed due to the unsafe road conditions. Interestingly enough, a traffic police commander announced that he had already informed the Road Ministry in a letter about the dangers posed by the exact location where the bus crashed. This officer had estimated that 300 million tomans were needed to prevent accidents in this spot. Meanwhile, officials at the Road Ministry have said that at least 10 years are needed to make all hazardous spots of the country safe. But, this seems to be a mere exaggeration, as it seems a much shorter period of time is needed to make a total of 2,040 dangerous spots safe.

JAVAN: Some sections of foreign print media have launched heavy attacks against Iran. The majority of these sections are controlled by the Zionist lobby. The first of such attacks came when a journalist of The New Yorker, Seymour Hersh, who has a Jewish descent, claimed that the American Special Forces are conducting covert military operations against Iran along Iran-Afghanistan borders. The main reasons for this anti-Iran propaganda can be divided into three categories. Firstly, Iran's ongoing nuclear talks with the European countries. Secondly, Iraq's parliamentary election. Thirdly, Iran's ninth presidential election slated for June 17.

HAMSHAHRI: Economists have said that the best way for confronting the high inflation rate is through reducing the budgetary deficit of the government. However, the sad part is that this deficit has increased every year. Of course, there is no doubt that the government should try to close the budgetary gap. If it fails to do so, it should try to curb the inflation rate through other feasible means, including controlling the liquidity growth rate.

This is a moment of great opportunity but also of considerable anxiety for the six Arab monarchies which form the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council--Saudi
Arabia, Oman, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates.
It is a moment of opportunity because they have collectively never been so rich. In 2004, their combined revenue from oil was a stupendous $190bn, 40% up on 2003, and 80% up on 2002. In theory, this vastly increased wealth should have given the Persian Gulf monarchies a breathing space in which to tackle some of their underlying problems.
It is, however, also a moment of anxiety because the underlying problems--such as high youth unemployment, too great a dependence on foreign workers, and too little diversification out of oil--are serious and difficult to resolve. In addition--and perhaps above all--the Persian Gulf countries are worried about the longer-term consequences for them of the US war in neighboring Iraq and its bloody, still unresolved, aftermath.
Many of these questions were discussed at a two-day conference in Paris this month organized by a leading French academic think-tank, the Centre d'Etudes et de Recherches Internationales (CERI).
In almost every country, high domestic liquidity and the repatriation of funds from abroad following the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks have created a great opportunity to expand the non-oil sector. But in most Persian Gulf countries, investment has gone into real estate or into stock market speculation, rather than in expanding the industrial base.
In many Persian Gulf states, foreigners form a majority. The United Arab Emirates provides the most striking example with foreigners accounting for 80% of the population. Out of Saudi Arabia's population of 22m, some 9m are foreigners. Oman is the only Persian Gulf state where the number of foreigners is less than 20%. Oman has been more successful than the others in 'Omanising' its workforce.
Nevertheless, throughout the region, a 'de-Arabization' of the labor market has taken place, raising fears that, if the trend is not corrected, the PGCC states may in time lose their indigenous culture and way of life. Some even warn that the overwhelming presence of foreigners may one day pose a strategic threat.
The PGCC states are aware of the problem and have been trying to limit their dependence on foreign labor.
A process of political reform is underway and small steps towards political liberalization are being taken, but the movement remains slow and hesitant.
Public opinion, however, can no longer be ignored and has added to the pressures on rulers and governments. The information revolution, and especially the creation of satellite television channels like Al-Jazeera, has created an arena for public debate outside the control of states.
The emergence of a grassroots culture of democracy is still a long way off.
The future of transition in the Persian Gulf states will depend on many complex factors, both internal and external. Among them are the extent to which ruling elites actively promote liberal reforms; the outcome of the confrontation between liberal ideas and Islamists; the future role of Shiite parties in the government of Iraq; and the reassertion of Iran as a major regional power.
One reassuring development has been what one might describe as the 'nationalisation' of Shiite political activity in several PGCC States. Shiite movements have sought to integrate themselves in the local political landscape. Most have adopted a nationalist, patriotic strategy. They seem to have no wish to destabilize the Persian Gulf regimes.
Overshadowing internal developments in the Persian Gulf is the large question mark regarding American policies and intentions in the region. At the start of President George W Bush's second term, no one is quite certain what political forces will shape the foreign policy of the United States. The so-called 'neoconservatives', who pressed for war in Iraq and who wanted to redraw the Middle East map to serve US and Israeli interests, seem to be on the defensive.
But the battle in Washington is by no means over. Some hardliners want to take the war to Iran and Syria. Few are yet ready to accept that the occupation of Iraq has been a costly disaster which will affect America's reputation and influence for years to come.

Patrick Seale