Former president Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani is keeping the electorate guessing. “Will he, won’t he?“ is the question asked frequently now by the intelligentsia and the hoi polloi alike, as the deadline for registration of candidates to the presidential elections draws closer.
As chairman of the State Expediency Council since the time reformist President Mohammad Khatami took office nearly eight years ago, Rafsanjani enjoyed a political status that was undoubtedly elevated above the presidential office. He was seen as an arbiter between the various circles of power, particularly between the government and the Guardians Council, which often stymied executive work and was frequently at odds with the reformists.
Over the past months Rafsanjani has hinted several times that he might run, particularly if the “political elite so desire.“
His recent statement that as “time goes by, I feel greater responsibility to run for presidency. However, there is still time for me to decide,“ also reflects his inclination to contest the forthcoming elections. But with the vote slated for June 17, it is baffling why the SEC head has not announced his candidacy yet. Why or what is he waiting for before he plunges into the fray? Or will he shy away from the contest in the last moment?
While one can’t read Rafsanjani’s shrewd mind, his entry into the race will certainly pep up the election scene. So far the motley of political aspirants, has not evoked much interest among the electorate, since the main question is do they have the political astuteness for the high office of the president? Or elevate it to the powerful status it had earlier?
Since the Khatami’s tenure, the office of the chief executive has been undermined by the political tug-of-war between the reformists and the more powerful conservatives. It would not be wrong to say that the presidential office functioned like a puppet with strings pulled from above. Of course this was not so much due to a weak incumbent as it was due to a weakened post in the face of power politics within the establishment.
The return of Rafsanjani may revive the faded glory of the presidential office and also serve to create a unifying force, since he appears to be acceptable to most, if not all, sides of the political divide.
Perhaps Rafsanjani may not come back on a popular vote like Khatami, but the aura of power and authority surrounding him may yet make him the most suitable person for the top job.
The electorate expects that the future president have the wherewithal to deliver on promises and meet the expectations of the masses. They want a person who is competent, politically capable of implementing reforms and has the capacity to resolve the myriad of problems besetting the nation. Corruption, unemployment, high inflation, social problems like drug addiction and poverty have created a grave social and economic milieu. The nation needs a strong chief executive to address these grievances and take the economy and nation forward.
No doubt the popular Khatami has several achievements to his credit but as a philosopher-president and idealist it became apparent that he couldn’t fit in with the rough-and-tumble of power politics.
As president of the reconstruction era for two terms, after the end of the Iraqi-imposed war, Rafsanjani brought the economy to the center-stage of his political agenda. While Khatami made progress to introduce reforms, rule of law and civil society, the future president needs to rekindle the nation on the path to advancement and progress.
From the reconstruction era, the nation transited through the reformist era. The future should see an era of rejuvenation if the right man is elected for presidency.